Program of the Communist Party of Germany (KPD)

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Workers of all countries, unite!

Karl Marx, Frederick Engels Manifesto of the Communist Party

 Program of the Communist Party of Germany (KPD)

Following a decision of the 24th Party Congress of the KPD on 11 June 2005, this program was drafted and decided by the 25th Party Congress of the KPD on April 21, 2007.

 

• Preamble

Based on the new national and international combat conditions and the experience gained, the Communist Party of Germany (KPD) – seventeen years after its re-founding in January 1990 – is giving itself a new program. We demonstrate that there is a progressive, realistic alternative to the social-reactionary and anti-democratic policies of the current ruling class in Germany, the bourgeoisie. It consists in the overcoming of capitalist power and property relations by a society based on social ownership of the most important means of production and the political power of the working class and the broad masses of the people, socialism. The struggle to realize this alternative has become a national basic task.

Continuing the ultra-reactionary policies of German and international finance capital not only results in the destruction of all the social and democratic achievements of the working-class movement, but also primarily endangers the existence of all humanity. The overcoming of the rule of the finance capital is therefore in the interest of the whole German nation. It is the centerpiece of the national question in Germany

The program of the KPD draws on the wealth of experience contained in the revolutionary party programs of the German and international communist movement. This applies above all to the "Manifesto of the Communist Party", which was drafted by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels - the founders of scientific socialism. It is the main programmatic document of the international communist movement.

"With the clarity and brilliance of genius, this work outlines anew world-conception, consistent materialism, which also embraces the realm of social life; dialectics, as the most comprehensive and profound doctrine of development; the theory of the class struggle and of the world-historic revolutionary role of the proletariat—the creator of a new,communist society. " (1)

Facing the prevailing social conditions in the FRG today, our party pays great attention to the historically significant political document "Call of the Central Committee of the KPD to the Working People in Town and Country, to Men and Women and to the German Youth" of June 11, 1945. In the spirit of this call, it demands: Stop all aggressive actions and the arms race! Stop the policy of atomic threat and extortion! Stop the politics of neo-liberalism, which makes the people poorer! Put an end to neo-fascism, anti-Semitism and racism!

The KPD declares: "Solid unity, determined struggle and persistent work are the guarantee of the success of our just cause." (2)

 

• 1. The Communist Party of Germany – a revolutionary party of the working class and the entire working people

The Communist Party of Germany is a Marxist-Leninist party. Throughout its activity, it is guided by the interests of the working class and its natural allies. It fights for all those who are economically exploited and politically repressed in capitalism/imperialism.

Consequently, this struggle is directed against the intensified anti-popular social reactionary and anti-democratic policies of any German government coalition, which is determined by the various forces of monopoly capital, the owners of capital and its managers. The KPD sets itself the goal to win all working people for the resistance in solidarity and to create an assertive countervailing power. This is the only way to realize even the most elementary demands for securing the livelihoods of the people.

Along with this, the KPD is dedicated to the task of convincing especially the working class and all objectively Imperialist forces to convince themselves that the only alternative to the present imperialist society is still the creation of the socialist social order. Only through this way peace, democratic rights of co-determination and participation as well as social progress can be guaranteed permanently.

This strategic orientation requires developing the KPD itself in such a way that it is capable of forming, uniting, and leading the masses of the people into a revolutionary force. This, in turn, requires creating an inseparable connection and a firm bond of trust between the Communist Party and the working class, as well as to all working people.

It is about the creation of sustainable, future-proof and dignified living conditions. The liberation of the people can only be the work of the working class and its natural allies. And it is still the historical mission of this objectively most revolutionary national force and its Communist party to take the lead in the class struggle between capital and labor.

In doing so, the KPD relies on the lessons Lenin left us. It is about the development of our party to the Leninist "Party of a New Type", to a political party of the proletariat, which can both guide the way and hold it to the socialist goal. The Marxist-Leninist character of our party will therefore continue to be determined by the demands on the party as the "vanguard and avant-garde" of the working class.

This party conception, connected in many ways with the ideological basic position, namely Marxism-Leninism, the socialist scientifically founded world view of the proletariat, can alone be the valid substantive basis of the entire party politics. This is precisely what is binding for the KPD.

An essential characteristic of our Communist Party is that it is structured as a voluntary alliance of like-minded people and especially just therefore strives for unity and closes, actively and proactively fights for its goal. This is Lenin's party conception, to which we are committed.

Its main components are such conditions of development and thus criteria for the revolutionary fighting party of the proletariat as the active participation of all party members in the daily tasks of the grassroots organizations, the respect for the principles of democratic centralism, the commitment to the development of democracy within the party, the development of criticism and self-criticism, the recognition of majority decisions, including active participation in their realization, observance of party discipline, accountability and party control, sacrifice and steadfastness in class struggles, the constant study and appropriation of Marxism-Leninism as the scientific world view of the proletariat. This is the code of conduct of communist morality, as defined in the statute of a Communist Party as rights and duties.

Even under the present conditions of struggle, the KPD is guided by these Lenin teachings: "A Marxist-Leninist party of our epoch is

• a revolutionary party which directs its entire activity to the preparation of the proletariat, to the conquest of state power, and indeed to the conquest of power in the form of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Such a party embodies the indomitable loyalty to the revolution, boundless boldness and determination

• the conscious vanguard of the class, which is closely connected to the masses and leads the masses. Lenin strove for the party to become the vanguard of the revolutionary proletariat, not detaching itself from the masses, but coming into ever closer and closer contact with them, lifting them to revolutionary consciousness and revolutionary struggle.

• an internationalist party for which the fight against the opportunist and petty-bourgeois-pacifist distortions of the concept and politics of internationalism is the first and most important task;

• an organization capable of fighting and which is based on the principles of democratic centralism, capable of uniting the working class and its natural allies in the revolutionary struggle, irreconcilable with any kind of opportunism and sectarianism. The ideas of Marxism and its practical realization, as Lenin taught, corresponds to the Marxist centralized political party;

• a party that constantly masters the complex art of applying the general principles of Marxism to the concrete conditions, capable of representing, in any given situation, the ultimate goals of the workers' movement. Lenin equally condemned the aspirations […], to present the introduction of partial demands into the program as opportunism, as well as all attempts to cover up or replace the fundamental revolutionary task by partial demands. The Communist Party also rejects the opportunist thesis that ‘the movement is everything, the end goal is nothing’. It opposes dogmatic sectarianism, which passively waits for great events and is completely unable to collect and unite the revolutionary forces.” (3)

The KPD is fighting to become a real vanguard of the working class capable of mass influence and political success in the class struggle between capital and labour. It is based on the creative and exemplary work of such leading personalities in our Party and the entire revolutionary workers’ movement such as August Bebel, Wilhelm Liebknecht, Karl Liebknecht, Rosa Luxemburg, Ernst Thälmann, Wilhelm Pieck, Walter Ulbricht, Otto Grotewohl, Max Reimann and Erich Honecker.

Our Party has repeatedly advocated emphasizing even more strongly the importance of Ernst Thälmann, his historical contribution to the development of the KPD, and resolutely opposed the falsification and degradation of his person in order to honour his whole life and work. This is indispensable in dealing with the role of Ernst Thälmann and the discrimination of his personality as a peoples’ tribune and leader of his class on the part of certain top politicians of the former PDS and obscure professorial historians in their service.

The KPD was a co-initiator and co-designer of Ernst Thälmann’s honours on the occasion of his 120th birthday (April 16, 1886) in April 2006 and hereby reaffirmed its commitment to his political legacy. Therefore, our party will consolidate and further develop the connection and solidarity support to the friendship society “Ernst Thälmann Memorial Ziegenhals”, as well as the Thälmann memorial and tribute place in Hamburg.

Our Party emphasizes the high account of the revolutionary theory of Marxism-Leninism and the socialist awareness of its party members in the struggle for the eventual victory of socialism. The KPD must devote the utmost attention to the spread of our scientific worldview and its application throughout the working-class movement. Never should we disregard what Marx and Engels emphasized in the “Manifesto of the Communist Party”: “The Communists … are the most advanced and resolute section of the working-class parties of every country, that section which pushes forward all others; theoretically, they have over the great mass of the proletariat the advantage of clearly understanding the line of march, the conditions, and the ultimate general results of the proletarian movement.” (4)

For this purpose, all means of agitation and propaganda, especially the party education and educational work are to use. In particular, it is about the constant qualification of the central organ of our party “Die Rote Fahne” and the series “Beiträge zur Theorie und Praxis des Marxismus-Leninismus”. Only in this way is it possible to meet the growing demands on the political-ideological level of our party and its ability to act.

 

• 2. The character of our epoch of history

On November 7, 1917, 90 years ago now, the Great October Socialist Revolution began under the leadership of the Communist Party in what was then Czarist Russia. Our party dignifies the fighters from the ranks of the proletariat and the poor peasantry, as well as the red soldiers who carried out a true people's revolution. For with this revolution began a world turn, the beginning of the transition from capitalism to socialism.

Capitalist social order had entered its final imperialist state at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The class struggles intensified greatly. The fighting over the redivision of the world, especially in the course of the First World War, led to national and international catastrophes, threatening the very existence of all humanity.

At that time, there was only the alternative formulated by Rosa Luxemburg: “Socialism or Barbarism!” On this basis, the forces struggling for Socialism/Communism, the working class and all those exploited and oppressed by imperialism, had to define their socialist goal and the path to it according to social realities. It was essential and significant that the political revolutionary party of the working class was also able to take on its objectively necessary leadership role.

It was W. I. Lenin who, in connection with his scientific analysis of imperialism, gave the basic orientation for the development of a strategy and tactics leading to victory. Lenin was able to set the political course of the Communist Party at the 7th Party Congress of the RCP (B) in March 1918 – immediately after the October Revolution, on the basis of Marxism and further developing it under new conditions.

That was and is fundamental for the fight which is going on today. For the correct setting of the course, as it is based on the realistic assessment of the real class forces, depends on the fate of programmatic and actual present-day practice and future development.

As capitalism grew and descended into its highest and last stage, spurred on by its drive for maximum profit, which plunged nations into a deadly catastrophe threatening humanity in the First World War, the eve of the proletarian revolution was announced, and eventually led into the Great Socialist October Revolution through the Communist Party of Russia led by Lenin. The new era of socialist revolutions and national liberation movements began.

All over the world, anti-imperialist popular movements, anti-war movements and social and democratic progress forces emerged and developed. As it turns out, these processes are not over yet today, but continue to affect the future. For this, Lenin has developed a groundbreaking orientation.

Today, an irreconcilable and bitter struggle for victory and defeat will take place between the existing social systems of Capitalism/Imperialism and Socialism/Communism. The temporary defeat of socialism in Europe and other parts of the world in the struggle between revolution and counter-revolution, is presently fancied to the masses as the ultimate end of communism and the eternal victory of imperialism. Consequently, it is said that the future should now forever belong to the capitalist social system.

In order to stabilize their current power directed against the people, the arch-reactionary aggressive forces of finance capital, surpassing each other in their actions, are engaged in an anti-communist war of annihilation. For this purpose, a lot of hostile political-ideological campaigns are organized, governmental and legal repressive measures and means of intellectual manipulation to trick the people, are used. The militancy of this approach has meanwhile intensified brutally. If anticommunism was once condemned as the “fundamental foolishness of our century” (Thomas Mann), it is today imperative to combat anti-communism as extremely criminal and anti-human.

In this struggle, the ability to apply Lenin’s theoretical description of epochs in human history is indispensable in our party's politics. “Lenin’s advice – our act!” – this guiding idea characterizes our party-programmatic direction today. He already gave this advice in his 1915 article “Under a False Flag”. In the transition from one epoch to another, attention is drawn to the fact that one must first study the objective conditions of such a transition.

Lenin spoke of “great historical periods” in which there will be individual partial movements “soon forward, then backwards”. Also, “different deviations” would be possible. He added that the communists cannot know how quickly and how successfully individual historical movements of the epoch will develop. “But we can know and indeed know which class is at the center of this or that epoch and determines its essential content, the main direction of its development, the most important peculiarities of the historical situation in the respective epoch, etc.” (6) Inferring, he stressed that it was clear that according to the objective conditions for the proletariat, the all-out immediate preparation for the conquest of political power is on the agenda.

In this context, Lenin talks about possible „periods of going-back, retreat, temporary defeats, when history or the enemy throws us back”. He adds: “We don’t know how many stages of transition to socialism there are and we can not know”. And “how completed socialism will look like – no we don’t know […] The bricks that will be used to build socialism have not been produced yet […] The agenda is a characterization of what we began to do and it indicates the next steps we want to take.” The era of transition from capitalism to socialism only ends when the bourgeoisie worldwide ceased to exist, when accordingly there are no objective terms of struggle between capitalism and socialism any more. Consequently, transition phases can span a very long period of time depending on the historic conditions. The current era is not aborted, buried, ended for ever. Capitalism/imperialism is not the last answer of history, unlike they want to make the people believe in favor of their subordination.

After Lenin’s death Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin – in 1922 he was already elected as secretary general of CPR at the suggestion of Lenin – was called to the head of the soviet country. Stalin swore to maintain and fulfill Lenin’s legacy. We can justifiably claim that he constantly ensured that this legacy determined all of the social life in the USSR and became the guiding principle of CPSU

We honor J. V. Stalin as student, fighting comrade and executor of the policy of Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov, as a supporter of socialist mass heroism of the working class and the soviet people as a whole, who acted in the spirit of Lenin’s work “The Great Initiative”, as commander-in-chief of Soviet armed forces in the Great Patriotic War. Last but not least we honor his invaluable scientific merits in propagating and developing the Marxist-Leninist theory and its creative application.

For us he is a personality of brilliant wisdom and foresight in the course of social development that not only allowed him to become the leader of the people of Soviet Union but of the worldwide proletariat. That’s why he is one of us, an equal under equals, no godlike individual – and not a distant dictator lifted off from the people like the imperialistic propaganda machine tries to tell us.

We strongly oppose the anti-communist defamations, lies and disparagements of Stalin’s work, wherever it may come from. Stalin phrased the historically decisive task for the Communist Party of Russia and the USSR 1931 like this: “We are fifty or a hundred years behind the advanced countries. We must make good this distance in ten years. Either we do it, or they will crush us.”

All of this required more sacrifices than humans are usually able to deliver. Yet the unimaginable happened: the assigned task was fulfilled. Who is legitimized morally to demonize him as incarnation of evil? He was the inspirer and organizer of the victory. There were serious mistakes and assaults, partly even politically criminal atrocities towards people in the relentless fight for survival against capitalism and unjustifiable persecutions up to the death of innocents. Our party does not pardon this.

• The dramatic time back then with its injustices was not characterized by “Let man be noble, helpful and good”. Whoever driven by blind anti-communist hate presumes to judge Stalin today has no right for a mere condemnation. “Whoever says yes to revolution, has to affirm it as a whole. He who only affirms its victories, but denies the struggle that led to it and denounces parts of it as crimes is judging as a moralist, not as a revolutionary.”3. Main reasons for the temporary defeat of socialism

Thanks to the tireless efforts of the communist and workers’ parties humanity was on a hopeful way to the final liberation of capitalist exploitation and oppression. A new socialist world started to shape clearly and determinately.

This process did not take place without disturbances, difficulties and problems. How could it be different, when its opposite force the restricted imperialistic system was still existing. The Cold War proves this, which was initiated in order to push back socialism with strategies of containment and roll-back (which failed due to the securing of the western border of the GDR and around West-Berlin, as agreed upon by the signatory states of the Warsaw Pact), same as the following new Eastern policy, which was rightfully called an aggression in felt slippers.

The class enemy organized strong counter-revolutionary attacks, that were prepared long in advance and supported by anti-socialist forces within the socialist countries in order to weaken the waking socialism form within with capitalist viruses and ultimately to disintegrate and destroy it. In the end of the 80s at the beginning of the 90s right before 21 ⁶

All experiences from history up to now point towards the fact that the temporary defeat of socialism did not end the period of transition from capitalism to socialism. History has its own course of time. Any schematism and any simplification of the sequences of history will be misleading. All epochs included and include many factors; there are contradictions and complicated processes interacting with one another, including sudden twists, temporary discontinuations and returning upswings of revolutionary processes.

Evaluating the era of transition from capitalism to socialism we hold the view that the counter-revolution 1989/91 and following did neither end the process of worldwide transition from capitalism to socialism nor turned that process around. We point to the development in the People’s Republic of China, where a quarter of the world population is working to shape the future in a socialist way continuously. This is also true for countries like the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, the Lao People's Democratic Republic and the Republic of Cuba, where socialist orientation is prevails – different in their manner, similar in the basic trend. And we include the social change in Central and South America, that are of anti-imperialistic character and partly have a socialist orientation. The formation of revolutionary peoples forces belongs to this.

The fact that the current era of transition from capitalism to socialism is not the historic stage of victory of socialism-communism on a global scale yet is important. The struggle of irreconcilable social systems knows no calm down. Quite the contrary, the class struggle intensifies objectively.

Specially Stalin guaranteed the devotion to help Germany shaping a peaceful and democratic future in the internationally binding law in August 1945. His path-breaking telegram at the occasion of the foundation of GDR, contains the statement: “If you lay the foundation for a united, democratic and peace-loving Germany, at the same time you perform great work for Europe as a whole by ensuring permanent peace. ”⁹

On that basis the Communist Party of Germany opposes the views and valuations that describe the revolutionary conversions from anti-fascist-democratic to socialist revolution after 1945 as a “socialist attempt” or a “socialist experiment”, which ultimately ended without success or failed. We as communists who take Marxist-Leninist views, are conviced, that the proletariat left the stage of attempt and/or experiment behind since Marx’ and Engels’ scientific justifications of the goal and path of socialist revolution and the nature of socialist society, realizing subjectively the objectively necessary.

The SED’s theoretical contributions for clarification of strategic and tactical problems of social processes in the period of transition from capitalism to socialism in the GDR are permanently meaningful. At the VII. Party Congress of SED they gave out the strategic goal to create the developed social system of socialism and hence fulfilling socialism.

In this context, they postulated “that socialism is not a short-term period of transition in the development of society, but a relatively independent socio-economic formation in the historic epoch of transition from capitalism to communism on global scale”. ¹⁰

Carrying on, at the IX. Party Congress of SED in 1976 it was stated that the design of developed socialist society in the GDR must be understood and organized as a historic process of profoundly political, economic, social and intellectual-cultural conversion.

The inventive contributions to the development of the economic system of planning and managing in the national economy, the ten main points of economic strategy in the 80s in GDR as well as the conception of a comprehensive intensification of it, the main road of economic growth as long-term orientation of SED – all these things were inventive scientific services of international rank.

^st century commenced the socialist world system fell apart – the socialist states were defeated by counter-revolutionary predators.

After the development of socialism that has been interrupted by counter-revolution for the time being in Europe and parts of Asia some socialist states still hold their ground against the imperialistic schemes to liquidate the remaining socialist bastions. Anti-imperialistic peoples’ movements emerged and developed in their fight for fundamental vital interests of populations in Europe, Africa, Latin America and Asia and stood up against the profit and power oriented politics of transnational companies, that try to expand and consolidate their anti-popular positions by means of the introduced imperialistic globalization processes.

The most important thing is the thorough and factual analysis of the processes, that led to the temporary defeat of socialism and the impermanent victory of counter-revolution. We oppose any shamming and lying portrayal and rating of historical facts. There is the legend of collapse of socialism by implosion. The socialist social system would have collapsed like a sandcastle, in which the “peaceful revolutionaries” and “civil rights campaigners” did their bit from within.

Others attack the socialist system by saying it was an unviable bad construction since its inception and failed as a model from the beginning. They consider the socialist main columns – social ownership and political power of workers, peasants and intelligence – to be alienated state ownership and dictatorship of the party. The worst anti-communist hostility and malice is putting Hitler’s fascism on a level with the power structures in the GDR according to the totalitarianism doctrine.

Our party agrees with those who state the following: Claiming that West Germany’s imperialism and their allies stayed well clear of GDR with their counter-revolutionary attacks and that GDR perished only because of internal flaws means to ignore “Cold War” and forget the class struggle that was fought in it relentlessly.

The temporary decline of socialism in Europe and parts of Asia has been and is of counter-revolutionary substance aimed at restoring the capitalist-imperialistic anti-popular order worldwide. There are very diverse attempts to stop the march of time, to turn back the hands of time.

The tentative counter-revolutionary break of socialist development is not a sudden devastating natural disaster that came upon us, but was brought about in a longstanding hidden and open fight between capitalism and socialism. This leads to the statement that there were not only internal but at the same time external causes for the counter-revolutionary effect. The GDR and the other socialist countries were no surprise gift, that fell into imperialistic hands. Their fall was laid out in the long term.

We cannot trace the reasons only to external or internal factors. It was rather an intertwined mesh of influences from outside and processes on the inside of the socialist countries. They took shape in the cause of a long-lasting period, aggregated and eventually had negative effect. Alien influences on socialism became significant as well as phenomenons of subjective inability within the socialist system, wherein objective and subjective flaws equally led to losses and ultimately to the temporary defeat in the class struggle.

After Stalin’s death the external imperialistic enemies of socialism saw that their time had come, often in conspiratorial or provocative open co-operation with the internal enemies of socialist Soviet Union. The international revisionism began a general attack against the worldwide successful socialism with the XX. Party Congress of CPSU in 1956 and the so called secret speech of Khrushchev. The secret speech disparaged not only the historical services of Stalin but those of socialism itself. It was meant to raise doubts about the justice of the struggle of communists in parts of the population and the communist parties. We therefore reject anti-Stalinism as a certain variety of anti-communism. Khrushchev’s betrayal of socialist ideas at the expense of the Soviet people, the community of socialist states as well as the international labor movement is common currency. It was a slow process monitored closely by the globe’s bourgeoisie and supported initiatively by CIA.

During his term Khrushchev opened Soviet Union towards the West, distorted Lenin’s policy of peaceful co-existence and altered it into a convergence path of socialism. He wanted to paralyze the potencies of the economic and social upswing of Soviet Union and was able to weaken it temporarily. The adventurous experiments of anti-socialist kind endangered the socially leading role of working class and the alliance with the peasantry, as well as the base of socialist democracy, the soviet state power. All of this undermined the ability of the CPSU to lead the working people of the country in the internal and external class struggle. Khrushchev holds the responsibility for the economic and macrosocial stagnation and decline and jeopardized the unity of the socialist camp. It was only consequent to stop and disempower this traitor.

In 1985 Gorbachev became general secretary, a traitor to CPSU, to the USSR and all of the Soviet people, even to world socialism. Under his lead a counter-revolutionary group formed in the leadership of the party and the state of USSR, which intended to “sell” the GDR, the western securing point of the community of states right at the dividing line between socialism and imperialism in Europe.

These inventors and prophets of the “New Thinking” postulated superordinate universal human rights in contrast to Marxist-Leninist proletarian class interests. “Convergence between capitalism and socialism”, “harmonic cohabitation in a common House Europe”, “Glasnost”, so general pluralistic democracy for everybody, field of activity for dissidents and human rights activists – these were some of the counter-revolutionary contents of the Gorbachevian insidiousnesses. “Memoranda” and “working papers” of Gorbachev aiming at the clearance of “the main obstacle for ending the block confrontation, the German two-statehood” prove this clearly nowadays.

A hodgepodge of “experts” in examining the causes agree with the old anti-communist enemies in the FRG by saying the GDR perished due to self-inflicted “systematical deficits”. The ailing economy, the economy of scarcity, economic mistakes in all fields – these were and are some of the perennial buzzwords.

Fact is that the GDR built a strong and modern economy in many ways with efficient collective combines within a historically short period of time of 40 years, that was able to satisfy the basic needs of the population better and better and fulfill its internationalist duties within the CMEA and towards the nationally liberated states in Asia, Africa and Latin America. They created a solid base from which they realized extensive sociopolitical programs, whereat contradictions aroused between the economic potency and the steady increase of the material and cultural living standard of civilians, that had a disturbing and negative effect.

Regarding the question of democratic rights and freedoms of civilians of the GDR the Communist Party Germany opposes the defamatory labelling of the GDR as an insult of its people. One only needs to take a look at the constitution of the German Democratic Republic of 1968 accepted by referendum and its following new and supplementary versions, consult the labor code of law, the civil code or other fundamental documents regarding the structure of the state and law of the GDR to understand the reality of democracy in the first worker’s and peasant’s state on German ground.

And so we state again and irrefutably: The German Democratic Republic was the best thing the revolutionary German labor movement created so far.

The working people of the GDR had civil rights of which one can only dream of in todays Federal Republic of Germany. In the FRG rules the paradigm of the capital owners, the principle of profit based on the holy private ownership of the means of production. In GDR, democracy did not stop at the gates of the factory, quite the contrary – with full support it could unfold in the publicly owned factories in favor of the self-determination of the working people.

As the leading governing party the SED had a promising political conception in its strategy and tactics. Coming from the Manifest of the Communist Party by Marx and Engels and the scientific works by W. I. Lenin and additively with the help of the scientific and political services and advices by Stalin, the party provided goal-oriented work – whether it is the anti-fascist-democratic revolution, the concept for socialist development of the GDR and the international group of brother parties in the countries of CMEA and worldwide or the design of a developed socialist society in a part of Germany.

Taking the conditions into account, developing right next to the hostile imperialistic enemy and its continuous influence, we need to value the successes of the party even higher. In this context, the SED also provided generally recognized theoretical contributions for the clarification of the further path, after having made the basis of socialism for the development of and transition to the communist society.

But we cannot ignore that progress often was diminished by flaws and defects and mistakes in the political practice, but also by deliberate economic damage, countering the stability of the party and the state. This led to a process of stagnation and decay, culminating in the defeat of the SED and the socialist state it led, the GDR. The party and state leadership of the GDR had no answers to many questions regarding complicated foreign and domestic issues. People at the Politburo were unable, sometimes unwilling to tackle the risen problems thoroughly and objectively. The collectivity of leadership was gone.

The policy of peaceful co-existence was not practiced as rough class struggle. Imperialism was awarded the ability for peace under certain circumstances, like the document “The dispute of ideologies and the common security” of 1987 proves. The party’s leaders reacted insufficiently flexible to situational political questions of the people of GDR. The period of “political speechlessness” of the party’s leadership in 1989, including the middle and bottom levels brought particularly negative effects.

This inevitably resulted in the resignation of most of the members and the party’s decay, as well as the unresisting acceptance of the central committee’s capitulation in front of the actionists Gysi, Modrow, Bergofer, A. Brie, Schumann etc. These people succeeded in bringing off a polit criminal coup at the SED’s extraordinary party congress in December 1989 and instrumentalizing the delegates for the counter revolutionary practices. This outline of the party’s development shows that a transformation took place which turned the Marxist-Leninist party as a union of like-minded, as the avantgarde of the working class into an incapacitated, shocked and confused assembly that would fall an easy victim of the „PDS-reformers “.

The Modrow-government tolerated and encouraged the civil liberties campaigns and committees that disguised themselves as being a valuable contribution for socialism, but in reality, being counter revolutionary groups that were invited by the SED/PDS leadership to the „round tables “. These people forged ahead and soon took control over the government’s politics. Step by step the SED/PDS members got defensive. It was political naiveté and illusions about the real situation that took a negative effect.

Evaluating the ongoing consequences of the counter revolution, it is obvious to state that by the FRG’s annexing and occupying of former GDR its citizens were being put on a severe fate. The former landlords were degraded to being second class citizens in the Federal Republic of Germany, humiliated and devoid of all existential security and safe future outlooks.

The economic base of the GDR as well as its political, social and cultural foundations were shattered alongside its achievements. Instead of the promised blooming landscapes there are extensive bleak industrial wastelands – no prospect of humane existence far and wide. And the burdens are not decreasing: Under the control of different monopoly capitalist governments the German monopoly capitalists’ interests in maximizing profit and power are being enforced. Therefore, the people are being bamboozled, its concerns neglected, it is encumbered with expanding range of renunciations – even reaching below the poverty line.

 

• 4. Imperialism –humanity’s mortal enemy

For the time being, the balance of power between capital and labour, between imperialism and socialism has changed in favour of imperialism after the counter revolutionary defeat of the USSR and the socialist community of states. The class struggle between the two systems has become sharper. The militant aggressive anti-communism was declared raison d’état and took inquisitorial shape.

Under the influence of the US administration, the current reactionary “rulers of the European Union” have obliged themselves to a new anti-communist campaign. All means are applied to suppress any advance of reaching social progress and peaceful co-existence of all people. In this manner, the brunt goes against the remaining socialist strongholds.

In different regions of our planet, the US-imperialists have created torture places like in Guantanamo or Abu Ghraib. There, fighters for a humane future are being caught in cages and dungeons, ill-treated and physically and psychologically abused. They are even being murdered in the most bestial way that reminds us of worst times of massive human grind and genocide in fascist Germany. These are no excesses, but substantial components of the capitalist system.

In case the peace-loving people, first and foremost the working class and all suppressed and exploited, fail in repelling and paralyzing the initiators and executors of the reactionary fascist imperialist powers, the threat of barbaric conditions could be the result.

If we speak of anticipated catastrophe, we also mean the peoples environmental concerns. Not a single societal system so far, be it the society of slaveholders or the feudalism, have damaged mother earth to that extend as it was brought under the imperialist system. Overexploitation of natural resources, nature poisoning, destruction of the ozone sphere and the increasing emission of carbon dioxide lead to environmental damage associated with devastating consequences. Global warming is causing icebergs to melt and sea levels to rise so that in near future whole landscapes will sink under water and be uninhabitable.

The KPD’s work, voiced in mass struggles, is aimed at forcing all governments, including the US, to consequently implement the Kyoto-Protocol – even if the papers target position, according to latest scientific research, is not enough anymore to prevent an environmental catastrophe. Its prevention is not an element of the capitalist system, which never stopped to exploit human kind and nature. The worldwide struggle against capitalism therefore is a fight for the preservation of our environment and hence more urgent than ever.

The KPD is fighting alongside anti-imperialist democratic powers to banish the deadly dangers and to establish a humane socialist society. We know about the societal causes of the ruling imperialist powers – it is the unhindered craving for profit and might, tolerating masses of corpses on its way to maximum profits.

Under the guise of fighting against “worldwide terrorism and rouge nations”, the conservative financial capitalist owners and major shareholders and their managers are aiming at stopping and destroying the international anti-imperialist people’s movement and their consistent powers, the communist parties. Meanwhile, the US-imperialists have created state-terroristic organized military bases in many regions of the world from which they are able to act globally to reach their goals of ensuring sources of raw materials, sales markets and trade regulations – if necessary, enforced through war.

In view of this sinister threats and actions against the people’s interests, the KPD calls for resolute resistance. Clarity, regarding the objective and subjective causes and executors of these hostilities, is needed. Lenin’s theory of imperialism serves as a key to understanding the modern anti-imperialist struggle.

The KPD will teach Lenin’s lessons and insights within its party educational work. This relates especially to generally characterizing the nature of the capitalist development in its imperialist stage, its historical place and ways to eliminate it.

Lenin characterizes imperialism based on five core features:

- concentration and centralization of production and capital, especially in the industry, leading to the emergence of monopolies playing a significant role within economy and shaping the nature of imperialism

- monopolies are developing in the banking system, the amalgamation of bank capital with industrial capital results in the financial capital (financial oligarchy)

- capital export gains in importance over export of goods and merchandise

- emergence of international capitalist monopoly organizations which divide up the existing markets among themselves, according to their influence

- the process of fighting for the apportionment of markets almost reached a conclusion, a war over repartitioning the territories and corresponding spheres of influence breaks out

According to its place in history, he describes imperialism as the parasitic, rotting, dying capitalism. Politically, imperialism is purely reactionary. ¹²

Defending the Leninist theory of imperialism includes the analysis and interpretation of all modern phenomena emerging in the imperial world. The KPD therefore attentively follows the alarming processes happening in the imperialist states. The KPD also draws their expertise from the SED’s valuable contribution to the study of imperialism, especially Walter Ulbricht’s input at the international scientific session 100 years of capital (1967)according to which “all fundamental contradictions of capitalism have come to head so that the amalgamation of the monopolies with the state-power has objectively become modern imperialism’s only possible condition of existence. A return to old forms of capitalism, without the merging of the monopolies’ power with the state power is impossible.

Resulting from this state-monopolist interdependence, imperialism’s main economical feature is that it not only exists as private monopoly but is guaranteed through the state. Appearing as production conditions, capital nowadays can only be realized by means of the state¹³ ”. The economic and political power is now maximally centralized in the hands of the monopoly bourgeoisie. The basic contradiction between capital and labour is sharpening. We can therefore call it a systemic crisis which cannot be solved by implementing reforms.

Lenin attached great importance to the relation and link between economy and politics. He proved that the capitalist monopoly is striving excessively for extending its spheres of influence over all continents. Financial capital develops therefore not only in the respective economical branches but also subdues the politics of the bourgeois state.

In this way, the governments came to be the managing directors of monopoly capital, serving its interests and goals. The result is always reactionary conservativism, taking effects in domestic politics as well as foreign policy. Civil democratic rights and liberties as stated in the constitution are being undermined, whereas authoritarian forms of rule take shape and manifest themselves.

The Marxist-Leninist insights regarding the nature of imperialism prove to be true wherever society is characterized by the urge for maximum profit. There, all aspects of social life are subdued to “reaction all along the line”. Especially the proletarian masses were and are being cut off their most basic social, political and cultural rights of living and existence.

This ultra conservative hostile processes in economy and politics do not always take place in the same manner and time. They are modified according to the political power balance in the nation state spheres. Depending on national peculiarities it can have deep impacts. This must be thoroughly analysed by our party in order to develop strategies and tactics within the anti-imperialist struggle on that basis, acting flexible and offensive.

It was Karl Liebknecht who, at the beginning of the first world war, declared: “The main enemy is at home”, following August Bebel saying, “for this system not a man nor a penny”. We draw these relevant and mobilizing slogans on our red banners.

 

• 5. German imperialism of today. Current tasks for the KPD in the fight for political and social progress

The KPD assumes that the fascist German imperialism and militarism has suffered a deadly defeat in the course of world war II. The allied victorious powers of the Anti-Hitler coalition have univocally agreed upon the limitation and elimination of German monopoly capital and military, as stated in the Potsdam agreement of August 1945. Especially the western victorious powers Britain, France and the USA were interested in removing an annoying opponent in the battle for world supremacy.

But it was also the goal of the imperialist victorious powers to force back the socialist USSR. Hence, the ideology of anti-communism took precedence over the former reached anti-fascist agreements. The entire imperialist policy was determined to resume its pre-war anti-Soviet pushes. The Cold War, staged by the imperialist states, serves as an example.

The aim was to create a strong base in Europe for realizing its goals and convert former enemies into partners in fighting against the influence of communism. In fact, this was mere renunciation of the Anti-Hitler coalition and encouraged the resurrection of German imperialism and militarism in the former western occupied zones, the subsequent Federal Republic of Germany (FRG). It was systematically used as European military base, imposing imperial plans to overthrow socialism/ communism.

That was the beginning for the related revaluation of reactionist managers of corporations that committed war crimes, of fascist defence economy executors, of Nazi commanders and other ruling Nazi activists. After their defeat, these people thirsted for revenge and therefore acted exceedingly anti-communist. The total reactionary nature of resurrected German imperialism and militarism revealed itself in an even more brutal and destructive manner.

This development proved itself to be greatly profitable for western German corporations. From the beginning, an anti-communist state doctrine was enforced that negatively affected the citizens and its civil rights and liberties. “Shut up and be moderate!” read the rough imperative of the respective Bonn governments. Concerning the domestic circumstances, any activity of the two states was shaped by capitalist FRG’s claim to sole representation. The imperialist militarist powers have always tried to put a spoke in socialist GDR’s wheels.

After the annexation of the GDR, the so-called re-union, today’s federal German republic gained a third of its territory and about 17 million inhabitants. The counter revolution was profitable for the monopoly bourgeoisie, especially the finance capital, so that the country was able to develop from a former “economic giant and political dwarf” (F. J. Strauß) to a higher stadium in all social aspects. The power balance in whole Europe was thereby shifted towards the most reactionary and aggressive circles, taking undesired effects on international level.

This is expressed for example in the use of state power to suppress any opposition against the governmental policy, in other words the whole imperialist controlled politics. Police force aiming at oppressing and smashing of protest demonstrations, economic and political strikes, blockades etc. have become commonplace. Any resistance is being prevented and prosecuted by the allegedly independent judiciary. The consisting expansion of state force and repression is coming alongside with total surveillance of its population.

Under the pretext of fighting against “the international terrorism”, modern technic is used to snoop and witch-hunt everything that seems suspicious. That is planned to be complemented and totalized through the coming military operations in the interior of the country. By this, an atmosphere of fear, insecurity is being created; intimidation and subservience of the citizens is being achieved, whereby social life will be controlled, brought into line and defencelessness. The working class’s democratic movements, its political and social organisations are being criminalized, suppressed and persecuted.

Policy and practice of monopoly capitalist state force is aimed at developing and encouraging totalitarian reactionary forms of rules that give birth to fascist tendencies and objectively and subjectively enable the formation of neo-fascist forces.

Considering these dangers, the KPD will use all possible means to stop the “reaction all along the line” as an organic integral part of finance capital’s hostile ruling. In this manner, our resistance is explicitly anti-imperialistic. In the end, this resistance must be directed towards a revolutionary fight against the economic and political power of German imperialism, directed towards its overthrow.

In doing so, the current most important aspect is to lead our party’s politics towards defending the civil democratic rights and liberties for all its citizens, as enshrined and justified in the German constitution. This is to prevent it from the misuse of neo-fascist groups. If we accuse imperialism to be the people’s mortal enemy, and if we stand for life and existence of our people, then we must act to limit and eliminate the threats and dangers resulting from the monopoly financial capitalist’s activities and its servile governments, be it in the domestic politics or foreign policy.

The consequences of the working class’s economic and political exploitation and the millions of workless and unemployed people in Germany are dreadful. Through the implementation of the infamous „Agenda 2010“, the laws „Hartz I-IV“ and the reforms regarding health, retirement, and tax issues all the social and political standards that used to apply to the citizens safeguard were reduced or eradicated. Poverty went viral. As the unionists noted back in the 50s of the former century: „As you‘re poor, you’re going to die sooner!“

But the peoples anger and rage will rise and lead to proletarian vengeance and justice. Coming mass demonstrations and struggles will be coined „For the peoples social security. All Hartz- laws need to be abolished, for the creation and preservation of jobs!“

The most evil and severe dangers to life and limb, to the people’s integrity, arise from the growing aggressiveness of German imperialism, its militaristic war policy, from the preparation and implementation of bellicose adventures. No war shall spring from German soil once again! That used to be the raison d’état of former German Democratic Republic. Nowadays it’s the financial capitals striving for power and profit that backed the disruption of Yugoslavia and the „German Defence at the Hindu Kush“ in Afghanistan as well as the covert backing of Americas war against the Iraqi people and the increasingly overt support of these hostilities.

The next step shall enforce the imperialist German claim to power within the European Union. And it’s the countries citizens who are forced to bear the material and financial burden. As for the ruling class, there only interest lies in maximizing profit rates and distributing net incomes. In this context the military business remains the most lucrative sector – at the expense of the value-creating working class.

The KPD therefore appeals to all forces united by love for freedom and peace to gather in an anti-war-movement in order to fight united for the right to a peaceful existence of all people. The KPD will actively participate in a powerful anti-imperialist movement and stand up for the unity of the working class and its organizations.

Today, the imperialist German Federal Republic has risen alongside and beyond France and England towards the most powerful force regarding the economic and political status in Europe. It is this reach for predominance in foreign affairs that correlates with the reactionary domestic politics in Germany. Under these circumstances the KPD declares that the imperialistic amalgamation of EU countries cannot be a homestead for its peoples.

The EU is a construct which serves as a foundation of a newly evolved imperialist centre that exacerbates the economic and political contradictions within the imperialist world. It proves itself as the darkest reaction all along the line, as Lenin predicted. No prospect of people-uniting and peace-encouraging activities – it is because of that facts that the EU-constitution has failed so far. The KPD firmly rejects any attempt of the Federal Republic of Germany to revive the ratification process of the EU-constitution.

The imperialist FGR strives for new powerful positions in the world markets. These extremely conservative circles of financial capital utilise all their efforts to establish their hold on profitable regions of the world. Under the current power relations Germany presents itself as a loyal vassal alongside the USA for ruling the world market in a state terroristic manner disguised as globalisation - allegedly classless and a natural principle.

The German armed forces and its special commandos are involved in military operations all over the world – they are being supplied by the existent and constantly expanding military-industrial complex with the required equipment and modern weapon systems. Their „use-value“ is being supported by the German government in alliance with the NATO, first and foremost the US Administration, in an increasingly overt and aggressive policy. The activities of the German armed forces happen on a broad range: backing up the hinterland for the US aggressors in Afghanistan, in Iraq and in the former Soviet Asian republics, supporting directly the US American hostilities by providing military bases on German terrain as well as training and equipping the military and police groups of the US-loyal governments in Bagdad and Kabul.

The KPD won’t ever abstain its voice from these conflicts. The party engages against any forms of Germanys military operations abroad and, in addition, against the planned use of the army within the German Republic and its federal states.

The German Federal Republic of nowadays is characterized by a general reactionary and increasingly aggressive imperialist infiltration of all areas of the society. Its efforts to conquer Europe and to gain a profitable and power-increasing position in the international imperialist structures within the EU as well as regarding the US and Japan. The KPD will therefore act as a consequent anti-imperialist political party while being oriented towards the amplification of its struggle.

Our party advocates for the development of a growing campaign unit of the working class and the peasantry. It is important to unify all those who are aligned by common interests - members of the intelligence, craftmanship, petty traders, middle class etc. to a anti-imperialist peoples movement. Only through this approach it will be possible to establish a countervailing power that is able to enforce the most urgent societal needs at parliamentary and non-parliamentary levels.

The KPD alongside its Communist Youth Organisation is fighting for a polytechnical general education, against the privatization of the educational system and the abolition of studying fees but for granting stipends, as well as the complimentary provision of teaching material. Moreover, the party is fighting for a guarantee of apprenticeship places with appropriate payment linked with a following underwriting guarantee into stable working conditions according to the qualification of the employee. We are demanding a sophisticated comprehensive offer for youth activities in youth leisure centres or cultural and sportive centres that are free to access and run under the contribution of the youth itself.

The KPD is aware that the equal status of women cannot be reached in capitalism. It is only in socialism with the liberation of the working class that women will be liberated and thereby truly positioned equal in the society. Nevertheless, the KPD advocates for the enhancement of women’s working and living conditions in the capitalist system and demands adapted working places in businesses, equal salaries and a general strengthening of women rights and their defenders. We advocated moreover for a comprehensive maternity protection and enough complimentary capacities in full-day child care for the women to pursue their apprenticeship or profession. We consequently fight against any form of discrimination of women at work and in society but for the enforcement of stipulated health protection agreements. Exemplary for a women-adapted living and working system was the achievements and lessons gained from the social and professional legislation of former GDR.

The financial capitalist monopolies and its finance markets have become the predominant factors of the economic and political happenings in national and international spheres. The result is a dramatic social deregulation after the downfall of the socialist statehood in Europe. Social obligations such as health care and old-age security, cultural and ecological tasks that used to be state-operated have now fallen under the dictation of capital appropriation, which eventually mean the limitation if not complete abolition.

The imperialism of present GFR means the battery of the masses through an intellectual manipulation that serves the interests of the ruling classes and leads to an overall subservience. In order to enforce the imperialist orders at any time a politically unconscious army of millions shall be created which is being instrumentalised in a suicidal way. The current German mass media such as print, radio and television as well as modern technical communication media is on a threating course as it can and is being used to influence the masses and disable the common good sense and as a result evoke psychoses, absolute obedience and allegiance.

Regarding the universally proclaimed freedom of speech and information this development constitutes sheer cynicism. It is not the conveying of realistic and humanistic information and curricula, as it is falsely emphasized, but it is collective mental manipulation that is achieved through mass media and mass literature controlled by bourgeois media corporations. It is evident that capitalist media politics can only generate capitalist consciousness – an effect that is wanted, as vice versa it will lead only to capitalist behaviours.

It is because of that the KPD opposes any form of mental manipulation in all media branches. We especially stand against the Americanisation in the whole range of German culture and education system as their content is designed to destroy identity, calls upon the lowest instincts of human kind, spreads anti-communist attitude and creates murderous criminality. To make an end to this issue the KPD advocates for a responsible board that operates with comprehensive veto and control. The most relevant aspect is the intolerance regarding the glorification of war and the spreading of fascist-militaristic propaganda.

Our party declares that the victory over capitalism is objectively needed/ necessary but considering the subjective factor it is currently not possible to cause this worldwide transition.

Over the last years different national and international objectively anti-imperialistic acting protest movements have been emerged in various forms and periods. They even evolved into mainstream resistance movements. Their general content is based upon pacifistic or radical anti-war-attitudes and in this manner directed towards peace keeping measures. Another aspect of their protests is the protection of social security standards.

Our communist party was not standing by passively but actively joined the masses of fighters from various social classes and strata, internalized claimed demands and tried to profile them in a political manner. That occurred oftentimes by reference to convincing enlightenment on the societal roots of the demands and its necessary realisation. In this way the active dedication of protesters and resistant people could be supported according to the anti-imperialistic popular struggle.

It is indispensable for united counter actions to reveal the reasons of the miserable conditions under which the working class suffers. These reasons root in the imperialistic system of economic exploitation and political suppression. A clear agitation and propaganda confirming the truth of Marxism-Leninism serves as an appropriate instrument to this revelation. It is this clarity in the further development of the popular struggle that our party is distinguished by.

Our party is dedicated to the implementation of a new socialist society. It must therefore determine the democratic tasks that can only be successful when based upon anti-capitalist solution strategies.

The struggle for common democratic demands and duties does not result in the destruction of the economic and political power structure of imperialism. The downfall of this power structure must be achieved through raising the anti-imperialist popular movements up onto the level of a democratic popular revolution oriented towards socialism.

The KPD presented an action program in which the next steps for the implementation of the peoples most elementary interests are set.¹⁴ Our focus lies on common democratic basic tasks:

- termination of NATO-membership and withdrawal of all German armed forces on military mission abroad

- prevention of all neofascist activities in rural and urban areas, connected to the creation of antifascist people’s committees whose public appearance are protected by state security forces

- repeal of all political emergency laws as well as so called anti-terror laws

- breaking the almighty power of the financial capital and monopoly capitalist enterprises through support of all unionist demands for codetermination. Extension of codetermination in terms of employee’s representation of interest to the total operating enterprise activity

- transfer of enterprises into common property according to article 15 of Germanys constitution in case of violating the “capitalist owner’s social obligation”

- guarantee for comprehensive complimentary social services, prevention of social degradation in the health sectors, pension provision, youth care, women’s rights; abandonment of the current imperialist controlled education policy, especially breaking the education privilege, engagement against any formation and promotion of elites, development of a national education system following the example of the former German Democratic Republic

- unrestricted constitution and unhindered activity of citizens’ initiatives in public, approval and expansion of petitions, referenda and plebiscites

- prohibition of any privatization previous state / federal/ municipal owned property (estates, housing stocks, medical institutions, transport companies, energy and water suppliers, schools, financial institutions, etc.).

The fight for realizing these basic tasks under current conditions is always shaped by an anti-imperialist character. It is the KPD’s role to lead the various social forces in political struggles according to their interests and shed a light on the roots of the problems intended to solve.

Resistance of the masses are oftentimes being supressed and literally knocked down by state authorities supported by legal organs, always directed against the political left. That constitutes brutal state acting against its rebelling population, organised state terror that is even extended in recent years. Under these conditions all basic rights stipulated in the German civic constitution are meaning- and worthless.

The KPD is nonviolent. It rejects terrorism. It never renounces democratically funded actions though, such as economic or political strikes or other forms of mass protests including civil disobedience. “All state power originates in the people” sounds article 20 of the German constitution. This stands in stark contrast to the total power monopoly of the state which is recently implemented through domestic military actions. The KPD therefore advocates for a chartered right of political self-defence. History teaches us that it is impossible to have a status quo in the long run, that also counts for the stage between imperialism and socialism.

It must be the communist party’s duty to set up the most conscious parts of the working class ideologically and politically for them to be able to lead the anti-imperialist popular masses. It is necessary for the communist party to function politically and operationally itself. Furthermore, it must be understood that all temporary successes in anti-imperialist fights do not mean the final victory. They rather mean the basis for further engagement, for the formation of offensive forces to establish the prerequisites for continuing the road culminating in the revolutionary approach to achieve the socialist destination.

The revolutionary seed of our further engagement to radically change the society and finally overthrow the imperialist system are the defence of and commitment to our Marxist-Leninist positions as an acting unit of the working class and its organisations.

The KPD advocates for a unit of all opposing forces from socialist and communist parties as well as leftist and social organisations, especially the working unions, for a united struggle to achieve further anti-imperialist and socialist goals. We underline: The KPD will never arrive at this monopoly capitalist, anti-social and anti-democratic society. The working classes interests, and its natural allies will always be in our party’s focus.

After an extremely long time that the left has been fragmented in the German labour movement regarding different or even contrary political positions in terms of aim and ways and means reaching the goals, the time has come to approach each other and act to understand and cooperate. Growing comprehension shows that an acting unit combining different leftist parties and organisations need to be created.

The Communist Party of Germany has at all times tirelessly stood up for the common fight of all leftists. Putting aside fundamental differences of opinion was always about fighting together for the realization of existential workers‘ and people’s rights. The hoped for and anticipated development of becoming an alliance for actions across parties and organizations with anti-imperialistic character has stayed in an initial stage, although a certain approach of potential social forces and communication about next goals of fight of political, social and peace-oriented kind are in the offing. It has to be clear that there must be no illusion about indiscriminating ideas of allies regarding content and organization.

We understand the concept of unity in action under no circumstances by stifling the partner, like in a „fraternal embracement“, monopolizing him, making a claim to leadership or even to crawl to oneself and in doing so giving up independence, or pouring forth „unitary actionism“.

To us, the politics of unity in action implies a cooperation with equal rights consisting of the different organization of the working class, its political parties, but also of other organizations (like unions, youth organizations, women’s organization, associations of civil rights, left-wing charities or associations of education etc.) This applies to certain limited, but also to advanced goals and topical demands.

The KPD lets itself be guided by what the German and international labour movement has realized in two centuries of its existence: „Unity is strength!“ Successfully fighting and winning in class-fraternal concord would lead to a coherent party that is filled with the spirit of Marxism-Leninism and arranges the socialist-communist future of humankind. This will then by a voluntary association of fight by like-minded people.

 

• 6. Our goal is Socialism/Communism 

If the KPD focuses its fight on solving general-democratic fundamental tasks, it by that takes account of the concrete social conditions. Therefore, the KPD declares clearly and unambiguously: Our goal was, is and will remain socialism – it is the elimination of exploitation of man by man. Important conditions will be created for that by disempowering the financial capital.

It was, is and will remain our irrefutable conviction: It is only through socialism that nations, including the German nation, will have a future that is worth living for. This important insight will constantly carry the KPD into the masses. In that process, the KPD counts above all on the working class. It is its historical task to construct socialist social order through the revolutionary break with the capitalist distribution of power and ownership in alliance with all workers and those who are exploited. In that, we especially focus on the fact that the construction of socialism must be the conscious work of the majority of the people themselves. Socialist Revolution in the history of revolutions is therefore the most democratic act that is known to humankind.

Although by now we don’t know under which concrete conditions the transition from capitalism to socialism will take place in this country, it is nevertheless our duty to outline in brought terms how, from a KPD’s point of view, the social relations will turn out to be during the construction of socialism. Because if we want to win the majority of the people over to a socialist development, this obliges us to describe our essential ideas about socialism.

This affects, first of all, the question of the power of the working class and its allies, so the question of the state’s revolutionary character in socialism. Referring to current conditions, great importance has already been attached to this question in the KPD’s programme of action regarding the fight for lasting peace, democratic rights and social security of the German people. Its answer is an important condition regarding both the disempowerment of the capitalist class and the transition out of the initially bourgeois, anti-imperialistic, democratic revolution to socialist revolution.

This transition will take place in two stages. It requires the development and the support of a broad anti-imperialistic, democratic mass movement that will only grown into a veritable socialist revolution under the leadership of a Marxist-Leninist party and that, beyond that, will introduce the dictatorship of the proletariat beginning with the disempowerment of banks, insurance companies and corporations.

Experiences from history have taught us that this process of the anti-imperialistic-democratic mass movement growing into socialist revolution, including the construction of the dictatorship of the proletariat, can take different courses. Regardless of that, our main orientations remain:

• The creation of a broad anti-imperialistic-democratic protest and resistance movement of the mass

• The construction of a new social order without exploitation; it means that the existing governments, those of the state, of the cities and of the municipalities will be disbanded – the organizing working people will overtake the power in their place. They eliminate law that is against the people, decided through those in power up to that point and expropriate, in the interest of the people, the large businesses and corporations, the banks and insurance companies as well as the communication business and they transfer them into social ownership;

• The disbanding of existing courts; in their place come the people’s courts

• The withdrawal from NATO and the dissolution of the army, police forces and secret services and their replacement by organs of the working people;

• The debt clearance of so-called medium-sized companies and of the cooperative associations;

• The withdrawal of privatization in the interest of public welfare

• The initiation of effective actions against unemployment; this includes the gradual reduction of the working week at full pay and the introduction of planning and managing national economy with the aim of continuously increasing labour productivity and need satisfaction through the integration and implementation of newest scientific-technical findings

Securing and stabilizing this revolutionary process of overthrow requires the suppression of all reactionary forces of the beforehand overthrown order of exploitation. It hence requires the construction of the dictatorship of the proletariat without any ifs and buts.

Karl Marx declares in the marginal notes in the German worker’s party’s programme: “In between the capitalist and communist society lies the period of revolutionary change, from one to the other. This corresponds to a political transitional period, whose state can be no other than the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat.” ¹⁵

Only people that speak out against the construction of people’s command and want to prevent it from happening, keep on trying to set off dictatorship against democracy. Every democracy is at the same time a dictatorship. This goes along with the ABC of Marxism. Defining the state’s character through so-called free elections is part of the field of fairy tales. The state’s character is defined by that class, in whose hands is the political and economic power. In imperialistic society a minority, the imperialist bourgeoisie, rules over the majority of the people. In socialist society, the majority, the working-class in alliance with all workers, rules over the minority, especially over the overthrown and disempowered class of exploiters.

The fairytale of “pure” democracy was invented to deceive the mass about the bourgeois state’s class character. With respect to this, it was W. I. Lenin who extensively concerned himself with the question of the state and who argued with renegades that denied the bourgeois state’s class character, deceiving the people by waffling about “pure” democracy. “The dictatorship of the proletariat is in a new way democratic (for the proletarian and generally dispossessed) and in a new way dictatorial (against the bourgeoisie).” ¹⁶

The socialist state is therefore the institution of power of the victorious working class and of the whole working people. Its tasks and authority are determined by the constitution that becomes valid through a referendum. Also, with respect to this, the KPD will use all of the GDR’s positive experiences in order to fully develop socialist democracy and to pay biggest attention to the representative bodies of the people. In doing so, the democratic centralism embodies the dialectic unity of violence and democracy. It is the essential instrument of the communist party, and is, according to the objective laws of socialist revolution, about winning and organizing the creative act of the working class, the farmers, the intelligence, as well as the rest of the working people for the construction of socialist society in order to realize it. Democratic centralism is the general principle of organization of the socialist state. It is an essential characteristic of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Democratic centralism means: Providing the main tasks for the realization and organization of socialist society through the party leadership and state leadership for an extensive discussion within the party and within the people. Evaluating the discussion and finally expressing the general tasks for the party leadership’s and state leadership’s prospective politics. The disciplined and creative realization of the thus materialized fundamental laws and resolutions of the party leadership and the state leadership through the party and the mass of people. Only such a realization of democratic centralism is the historically proved requirement and condition for the enduring success of the communist party as leader of class and mass.

Violating or even permanently disregarding the fundamental principles of democratic centralism not only opens the door to a personality cult that is hostile to Marxism-Leninism. It endangers the party’s leading role, destroys its unity, loosens its connection to the working class and the mass of the people and paves the way for counterrevolution.

Ultimately, a new constitution will also decide about the distribution of ownership. In which way the social ownership will be managed at the crucial means of productions not least depends on the behaviour of the overthrown class of exploiters. In any case, the social ownership will be the dominating ownership regarding the crucial means of production. During the construction of the material basis of socialism, attention will certainly be paid to the cooperative system throughout the land. The private ownership of means of production ought to be kept and supported through the state where it is appropriated for the whole society. The earth’s natural wealth, the soil and all of the big stretches of water, are no more objects of private speculation in socialism. At the same time, apartments and benefits like heating, water, electric energy will be affordable again.

It will have to be explained in the socialist constitution, how the socialist ownership relation will be generally managed, and how the education system and the health system, how culture and sports should develop. Through the power of the people and its creative initiative socialism will overcome all circumstances in which man is a demeaned, an enslaved, an abandoned being; it frees the people from exploitation, oppression and poverty, from crises and war. For this, the creative genius of the working class, of the farmers and the members of the intelligence, of women and men, of the youth and the students has to be supported extensively.

A second general opinion of the KPD consists of the fact that the ownership relation of the means of production must be managed in a way, that they effectively fulfil the goal of socialism. The socialist production’s goal is the permanently improving satisfaction of material and intellectual needs of all members of society. The socialist method of production secures meaningful work to everybody. To this, an enormous increase in productivity is necessary, which is reachable using the most up-to-date technology.

For the arrangement of socialism, we will at all times keep in mind, what Lenin has so convincingly expressed: “Only socialism will make it possible to extensively spread the social production and distribution of goods according to scientific considerations and master it, based on how the life of all working people can be severely more bearable, how life in prosperity can be enabled. Only socialism can fulfil that. And we know that it must fulfil it; all difficulty and all power of Marxism is grounded in recognizing this truth.” ¹⁷

With that, W.I. Lenin points out two crucial problems of arranging socialism. When he talked of “difficulties of Marxism”, he repeatedly assumed that consistencies would also exist in socialism and different kinds of conflicts would also arise. This requires, according to Lenin, paying attention to the further development of the theory of socialism’s construction so as to solve conflicts.

The second problem that Lenin focuses on here is directed towards the distribution system in socialism. In socialism, it means in the first phase of communism, clearly applies the following principle: Everyone according to his skills, everyone according to his accomplishment. When this phase is ripened, then the following principle applies: Everyone according to his skills, everyone according to his needs.

In practice it is however enormously complicated to realize such principles. At this point, Lenin advises to put all relating experiences again and again to test and not to fear corrections. During that, attention has to be paid to centrally arranging only the bare essentials but giving leeway to companies and municipalities for their own solutions.

Thirdly, the socialist state will be a strong bastion of freedom and friendship. Aggressive actions against other nations and their oppression contradict its character. Its goals and tasks therefore consist of securing peace together with socialist states and all other peace-loving nations of the world in order to create favourable conditions for the transition from capitalism to socialism. We will extensively and in solidarity support the fight of the working class and its Marxist-Leninist parties in all countries and extend the relationships to these parties. In future the KPD will as well promote solidarity towards social and national liberation movements, especially by decisively fighting against German imperialism.

We are often asked from where we take our optimism in fighting against such a mighty opponent? Especially from the belief that we fight for the most just cause of the world, for the liberation of humankind from exploitation und oppression, for the construction of socialism/communism. This is the belief, that mankind has a future only when it follows the course to socialism.

Informing about the content and the aim of our concept of socialism/communism within the working class and the masses that strive towards social progress and, by this, creating clarity, understanding and identity through these visions of future also means to concentrate all forces in a necessary alliance of fight for the revolutionary disposal of capitalism and for the socialist reorganization of social conditions. He who is conscious of the fact that in hitherto socialism and in future communism, there will be no unemployment with its harmful consequences that cripple man, no exploitation and deprivation of rights supported by the Hartz-laws, that poverty and impoverishment frighten neither the individual nor the majority of the people, he who is convinced that all criminality will die out and mankind is freed from war and all misery, he will join with his reason and his heart the socialist and communist transition of society and he will put all his creative force in the victory of this humanely new order.

Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg, the initiators and founders of the Communist Party Germany, to whose legacy we have devoted ourselves to after the KPD’s reestablishment twenty years ago, declared a few days before their disgraceful murder with confidence and certainty of victory above all adversities and difficulties:

“Life will be our programme!”

Let’s act in this spirit. Now “Take hold more firmly! Lift up the head even higher! To work with all power!”¹⁸ – like it was claimed by the KPD’s central committee in its appeal on June 11^th 19945, after the liberation of our nation from the barbarism of the fascist German imperialism and militarism, for the way to a new age.

Source Materials

 

W. I. Lenin, Collected Works, Progress Publishers Moscow, Vol. 21, p. 48

2 (X) Revolutionäre deutsche Parteiprogramme, Dietz Verlag Berlin 1965,
p. 199

3 (X) Thesen des ZK der KPdSU zum 100. Geburtstag W. I. Lenins,
Newspaper „Neues Deutschland“ at 27. December 1969

4 Marx/Engels Werke, Dietz Verlag Berlin 1964, Bd. 4, S. 474

5 W. I. Lenin, Werke, Dietz Verlag Berlin 1968, Bd. 21, S. 134

6 W. I. Lenin, Werke Dietz Verlag Berlin 1960, Bd. 27, S. 117-118 und
ebenda, S. 134-135

7 J. Stalin Werke, Dietz Verlag Berlin 1955, Bd. 13, S. 36

8 (X) Peter Hacks, Am Ende verstehen sie es – Politische Schriften 1988 – 2003,
Eulenspiegel Verlag Berlin, S. 204

(X) Geschichte der deutschen Arbeiterbewegung, Dietz Verlag 1966, Bd. 7,
S. 335-336

10 Protokoll des VII. Parteitages der SED 1967, Dietz Verlag Berlin 1967,
Bd. I, S. 31 und S. 133-144

11 (X) Vgl. Justus von Denkmann, „Wahrheiten über Gorbatschow“,
SPOTLESS-Verlag Berlin, ab S. 30

12 W. I. Lenin, Werke Dietz Verlag Berlin 1960, Bd. 22, S. 270-271, 302 und
S. 305, 307

13 (X) W. Ulbricht, Die Bedeutung des Werkes „Das Kapital ...“ von Karl Marx -
Internationale wissenschaftliche Session: 100 Jahre „Das Kapital“, Dietz
Verlag Berlin 1967, p. 24-25

14 (X) „Die Rote Fahne“, Zentralorgan der KPD, Ausgabe April 2006, Beilage

15 Marx/Engels Werke, Dietz Verlag Berlin 1962, Bd. 19, S. 28

16 W. I. Lenin, Werke, Dietz Verlag Berlin 1960, Bd. 25, S. 425

17 W. I. Lenin, Werke, Dietz Verlag Berlin 1960, Bd. 27, S. 408

18 (X) Revolutionäre deutsche Parteiprogramme, Dietz Verlag 1965, p. 199

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